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T.A. Jackson - A Centenary appreciation

This dead¬ lock meant that walter and tommy had to abandon what might well have succeeded in being a successful revolutionary break-through into modern journalism - the party might have pipped it at the picture post. walter holmes devoted a complete workers notebook to this sad story, in 1955.i quote from it: "among the tributes which tommy jackson's death has evoked there is no mention of this win episode because few know the story. 26 27  our history titles available no. 18 no. 24 no. 36/7 no. 42 no. 57 no. 58 no. 60 no. 61 no. 62 no. 63 no. 64 no. 65 no. 67 no. 68 no. 69 no. 70 no. 71 no. 72 sheffield shop stewards (bill moore) 'the lancashire cotton famine (s broadbridge) 'prints of the labour movement 'class and ideology in bath (r s neale) nazis and monopoly capital (allan merson) kilsyth miners in the 1926 general strike (carter) time and motion strike (mick jenkins) middle-class opinion and the 1889 strike (g cronje) 1945-year of victory (george barnsby) ... the origins of capitalism (a christozvonov) imperialism and the labour movement (maclntyre) the general strike in lanarkshire (maclean) spain against fascism 1936-39 (nan green and a m elliott) workers' newsreels, 1920s & 30s (hogenkamp) rank and file movements in building 1910-20 (latham)

Chartism and The Trade Unions

he knows that the charter would remove, by universal will expressed in universal suffrage, the heavy load of taxes which now crush the existence of the labourer, and cripple the efforts of commerce; that it would give cheap government as well as cheap food, high wages as well as low taxes, bring happi¬ ness to the hearthstone, plenty to the table, protection to the old, education to the young, permanent prosperity to the country, longcontinued protective political power to labour, and peace, blessed peace to exhausted humanity and approving nations; therefore it is that we have solemnly sworn, and one and all declared, that the golden opportunity now within our grasp shall not pass away fruitless, that the chance of centuries afforded to us by a wise and all-seeing god, shall not be lost; but that we do now universally resolve never to resume labour until labour's grievances are destroyed, and protection assured to ourselves, our suffering wives, and helpless children, by the enactment of the people's charter. lord melbourne, home secretary and afterwards prime minister in the whig government of the reform bill, wrote on 26 september 1831 to sir herbert taylor, private secretary to king william iv: "when we first came into office in november last, the unions of trades in the north of england and in other parts of the country for the purpose of raising wages etc., and the general union for the same purpose, were pointed out to me by sir robert peel in a conversation i had with him upon the then state of the country, as the most formidable difficulty and danger with which we had to contend; and it struck me as well as the rest of his majesty's servants in the same light".

Sheffield Shop Stewards 1916 - 1918

we would add that while the purpose of the original inves¬ tigation was to find out about anti-war developments in sheffield during the first world war, what emerged as (in the long run) of equal importance was the organisation of the shop stewards' movement, with lessons for us even today,  sheffield shop stewards in the first world war • by bill moore the sheffield shop stewards led the fight in britain against the war and against the attempts by employers and government to break down the trade union rights won over a long period - but not until the latter end of 1916. kilsyth miners in the 1926 general strike (paul and carol carter) the social democratic federation and the boer war (bill baker) time & motion strike manchester 1934-7 (mick jenkins) middle-class opinion and the 1889 dock strike (gillian cronje) 1945-year of victory (george barnsby) the origins of capitalism by a. chistozvonov 25p 20p 20p 20p 20p 20p 25p 20p 20p 25p 25p 25p 30p bibliographies lionel munby and ernst wangermann (ed), marxism and history lawrence & wishart 1967 history group, bibliography of the british labour movement (revised 1968 edition) 75p 20p red international of labour unions and the national minority movement: list of publications in britain 25p national unemployed workers committee move¬ ment and the national unemployed workers movement: list of publications 20p postage: 8p a single copy, add 3p for each additional copy.

France: UNEF, A New Syndicalism

If unef is officially a trade-union, it must be said that its ability to combine collective action along with a genuinely creative political dynamic has not alienated it from the rest of the trade-union movement, but has “spilled over” into this movement; and whereas the machinery of the political parties has remained as hidebound in these last months as it was in the last desperate moments of the 4th republic, real steps forward in the left, both in terms of an inter-party dialogue and in terms of exposing the con­ tradictions in the gaullist regime, have been made through joint trade-union action. That break was, in fact, the decision to restore relations with the algerian students’ union, ugema (union generale des etudiants musulmans algeriens), an organisation deeply committed, in both principle and practice, to the cause of the fln here is the resolution passed in the lyons congress, and it is worth noting that it was passed by a vote of 544 to 104 with 137 abstentions, a good measure of the deep roots which politics had taken by that time in french student life : “the students of france :

The Changing Face of Royalty

of all the royal family, it is the queen herself who must rest on a plane higher than everyone else's - especially if the natural order of british life is to prevail.  july 1984 the recent scandals that have risked 'dragging the queen's name down into the dirt' all indicate the extent of moral panic that is generated when some unworthy person comes too near the queen. the best of british to start with, the royal family say something about british identity: what it means to be british.

The Atlantic Alliance in Disarray

October 1982 marxism today andre gunder frank the atlantic alliance in disarray the days of the old 'atlantic' system are over — four western foreign policy institutes1 the alliance as it was is no longer — international herald tribune a major crack in the soviet block has become the occasion for nearly as big a crack in the west — new york times the trouble with east-west crises is that they all too rapidly turn to westwest crises — guardian security in the west, business in the east — neue zurcher zeitung the decision by president reagan to prohibit european subsidiaries and licensees of american firms to deliver components for the soviet-european gas pipeline brought long simmering conflicts within the atlantic alliance to a head and into the headlines. That is, in view of the shift in the economic and political balance of power from the united states to europe, observed by their four foreign policy institutes, the only remaining ace in the american bargaining hand with the european powers is the american nuclear umbrella and the associated american troops on european soil that are supposed to make the american nuclear commitment to europe credible.

Realignment the case of the Liberals

in their study of the five elections 1964 to october 19742, ivor crewe, bo sarlvik and james alt show that over this period the partisan feelings of electors towards labour and conservative parties weakened markedly; that party support corresponded less to the class of the sample questioned; that labour partisanship weakened particularly sharply among young working class trade unionists; and that the decline in labour's support (though not in that of the tories) was associated with long term disagreement with labour policies on nationalisation and disapproval of'union power'. But it is difficult for the liberal leaders to come out with a clear, distinct and challenging set of policies because of the danger that it would contain of exposing the division in the party between 'centre party liberals' like lord wigoder, chief whip in the lords ('we are, in fact, a centre party, despite the views of a few of our activists who endeavour to adopt some other stances') and the more radical liberals and their 'community polities' approach.

Japan: the Right on the Offensive

Is there a 'left tendency within the socialist party on both policy and the question of relations with the communist party? the socialist party of japan remains numerically the no 1 opposition party, with parliamentary strength of 107 in the lower house and 47 ir the upper house, won in the recent double-election. Our outlook comes from the analysis that, under the circumstances of our times, a democratic revolution that overthrows the rule of monopoly capital is possible.  22 april 1981 marxism today the party was subjected to unjustifiable interference and attacks from the communist party of the soviet union and subsequently from the communist party of china many of the strategic positions of the jcp closely parallel those of western european communist parties, such as the italian, french, spanish and british.

The Forward Face of Feminism

For, over the last 10 years feminists haven't simply been underwriting traditional labour movement demands — for the right of women to work and for welfare services which enable women to enter paid employment — we have october 1980 15 also been looking at the quality of welfare services on offer, the relationship they have to womens' lives in general and not just to the lives of women as workers, and at the specific relationship of women to paid work.3 yet as the crisis develops and we begin to see something of the extent of the tories' reactionary programme, it is tempting for the left to abandon the lessons of 68, that socialism needs to be for something as well as against something, that it must involve people in its making rather than acting on their behalf, and to see feminism as a luxury, which in a period of retrenchment and recession we cannot afford. There is a real danger, too, that we will avoid the difficult task of defining socialism in relation to feminism and feminism in relation to socialism by creating a new, basically humanist movement which assumes a fundamental human unity between men and women, and which places the struggle against all social hierarchies, rather than the oppression of women as women, at its centre.

The Fall of Paris, 1958

It could, for a start, have blocked the bank accounts of everyone in algeria and ceased all payments for the algerian war (in fact, during the 18 critical days, more than 9,000 million francs was paid by paris to algiers); it could have set up a home guard of reliable ex-resistance members, trade unionists and other republicans; it could have sacked the mutinous officers, including salan, and put all sympathisers from de gaulle onwards under at least house arrest and barred telephone calls and visitors; it could have invited the people of paris to march not in the eastern suburbs but up the champs-elysees, with the government on the saluting base; and it could, above all, have made its position clear to the great mass of soldiers in algeria, the 400,000 ordinary soldiers, mostly conscripts. It was threatened by de gaulle, the army and the communists and if he had to choose between de gaulle and the communists, he preferred de gaulle.

Anti-Semitism in Great Britain

If russian-israeli difficulties are exacerbated, the communist party here may follow suit, and it might bedifficult to distinguish anti-semitism from such antagonism against the opponent of anti-semitism and other racia] or religious prejudices, the fight led by the late mr. gaitskell on the commonwealth immigration act, even against some quiescent opposition within the party and a probable majority of opinion in jews in israel, like its foreign counterpart the communist party has difficulties because it pro- the country, is continuing evidence of this. Considerable difficulty was experienced during the war and for a few years following because of the publication in national and trade papers of legal cases affecting jewish traders and of delinquency in trade, a survey at the time showed that a jewish firm had three times as much chance of being reported in the press compared with a non-jewish firm charged with the same offence, discrimination in services, such as insurance, credit, advertising, hotel accommodation, does take place.

'Liberty Of The Press' In The 1990S

They include the english revolution, which overturned and set fire to old ways of life, and produced milton's areopagitica, william walwyn's the compassionate samaritane, and scores of other breathtaking tracts in defence of press freedom; the collapse of the cumbersome licensing system inherited by william and mary and the expiry of the regulation of printing act in 1694; the successful campaign of john wilkes, during the reign of george iii, to use the newspapers publicly to defend himself as a member of parliament against charges of seditious libel and blasphemy, and thereby to legitimate the open reporting of parliamentary proceedings by the press; the pamphlet war inspired by the french revolution during the early 1790s, when paine, mary wollstonecraft, and others synthesized popular vocabularies with popular suspicion of the governing class, thereby producing a more democratic press which saw politics as the business of every citizen, male or female, rich or poor; and the active resistance to censorship by price and to taxes on knowledge by the pauper press - the unstamped newspapers of the 1830s with titles like the destructive, the poor man's guardian, and the red republican, all of which were smuggled out of london's grimy back-street print shops to all parts of the country in coffins, hat boxes, and baskets covered with apples, bread, or dirty laundry. The advocates of 'liberty of the press' were also far too sanguine about the capacity of market competition to ensure the universal access of citizens to the media of public communication; they failed to examine the inevitable tension between the free choices of investors and property owners and the freedom of choice of citizens receiving and sending information.

BOAC: The Anatomy of a Strike

As one of the men concerned, it seems extremely simple to me: they were anxious to discredit the political-industrial views i had talked about and written about during ten years in the civil aviation industry, i.e., that the public corporations should be strengthened, that a technically advanced public organisation should pay high wages and observe exemplary conditions, that air routes should be opened to all countries in the world and—perhaps most important—that the employees of the industry should have a say in the formation and execution of policy. Top management at the time of the board reorganisation, and i certainly cannot put this point better than it was put at the time by the labour correspondent of the. times newspaper, who said at the time, on 5th may, 1956, this: "the watchful and suspicious attitude now taken up by union leaders and members alike in the air transport corporations is a marked change from the co-operative spirit which, up to now, has contrasted with the less happy relations existing in some other nationalised industries.'

Armed Resistance and Insurrection: Early Chartism

taylor james taylor dr john taylor william thomason william thornton william tillman william vallance john vevers thomas vincent henry waddington samuel warden john (manchester, bookseller) {manchester, agent for gunmaker) (bolton, beershop keeper) (south shields, tailor) (ashton under lyne, apothocary) (london) (preston, handloom weaver) (bradford & sheffield, shoemaker) (newcastle, shoemaker) (barnsley, linen weaver) (leicester) (stockport, beerseller-ex-spinner) (bristol, tin plate metal worker) (london, tailor) (london, newspaper editor) (leeds, newspaper proprietor) (fixby, steward) (stockton, basket maker) (ouseburn nr newcastle, shoemaker) (edinburgh, staymaker) (tottingten, lanes) (stockport, power-loom weaver) (heywood, teacher) (trowbridge, druggist) (birmingham) (thorneley) (holt, wilts) (salford, bookseller ex-joiner) (leeds) (manchester, tailor) (bath, solicitor) (manchester) (hyde) (manchester, boot and shoemaker) (ashton-under-lyne, dissenting minister) (spotland, rochdale) (ayrshire/carlisle, political lecturer) (newton heath nr manchester) (newcastle, glassmaker) (bradford, solicitor) (manchester, shoemaker) (barnsley, weaver) (huddersfield) (ex london/wilts-printer) (london, boot and shoemaker) (bolton, gardener) 37  wareham george wilde john williams james * white george * widdop john * wolstenholme james wood wright john (stockport, weaver) {ashton-under-lyne, shopkeeper) (sunderland) (leeds/bradford, woolcomber) (barnsley, warehouseman) (sheffield, working grinder) (bolton) (stockport, cotton spinner) •yorkshire activists referred to in this study 38  history group publications back issues of our history currently available - june 1984 duplicated format 23 pages from a worker's life 24 lancashire cotton famine by stan broadbridge 36/7 prints of the labour movement 51 leveller democracy — fact or myth? R.v. jacobs samuel jarrett charles johnson george johnson issac knox robert lawson — lee abraham lindon william smith 36 (mansfield, brushmaker) (bolton, blacksmith) (bedlington, northumberland, stonemason) {newcastle, joiner) (stockport, spinner, publican) (manchester, stonemason) (stalybridge, ex-cotton spinner) {newcastle, journalist) (almonsbury, weaver) (newcastle, soap manufacturer) (ashton, publican) (birmingham, teacher, solicitor) (leeds) (stockport, dissenting minister) (newcastle, collier) (westhaughton, ex-shoemaker) (bury, surgeon) (sheffield, baker) (sheffield, cabinet maker) (sheffield, scale cutter) (bolton, weaver) (london —) (heywood) (carlisle, hand loom weaver) (halifax, hand loom weaver) (london, political lecturer) (durham) (stroud) (dewsbury) (bedlington, surgeon) (newcastle, collier) (ashton-under-lyne, cotton spinner) (bradford, wool comber) (stockport, cotton carder) (london, porter) (manchester, ex-shoemaker) (bristol, cabinet maker) (loughborough, framework knitter) (ashton, hatter) (stockport, smith) (sunderland) (rotherham, mason) (middleton) (dudley, moulder) * * * * * * * linney joseph livesey john lloyd george lowery robert macdoual peter murray maitland — marsden richard martin william mason john maudsley amos mellers — mitchell james morgan — neesome charles h o'brien bronterre o'connor feargus oastler richard owen james bald parker william peddie robert pickles — pilling richard plant job potts william powell — redhead william rich thomas richardson r.j. rider william roberts david roberts w.p. rushton shaw smith george h. stephens j.r. rev.

Some Dilemmas For Marxists 1900 - 1914

to join the labour party?" the most forward-looking contribution came from zelda kahan-coates of hackney, wife of w.p. coates: "...we withdrew from the labour party because we foresaw that the official labour party would tend more and more in a direction towards rad-icalismj and we thought, i presume, that by remaining outside as a vigorous, independent socialist body we should attract to ourselves the best elements of the labour movement, and thus we should more speedily be able to build up a real mass socialist labour party. although this pamphlet is based on documentary evidence, it also owes a good deal to general discussion with several members of the pre-1914 marxist party, especially frank tanner (who has also done some research on this period), frank newell, joe vaughan, and frank jackson. attitude to the labour party the labour representation committee (later called the labour party) was formed in february 1900 to unite trade unions and socialist parties for election purposes.

Tom Mann in Australasia 1902 - 1909

in the very same street was the office of mr. edward tregear, inspector of factories and first secretary of new zealand's first labour department, a high-souled enthusiast later disappointed, who had readily supplied tom with information and whose roseate account of labour legislation in new zealand had just appeared in the engineers' monthly journal, which circulated wherever the union had branches: "and here i was in the branch and amongst the members of the trade union that owned that journal, and within three minutes of the headquarters of the government labour depart¬ ment; yet these fellow members on the spot were not only not enjoying any exceptionally good conditions but refused to be brought under the act supposed to be responsible for the alleged improvement. most important was the new economic basis of the small man: wide areas of fresh lands now first available in the north island after the maori wars and ensuing deforestation; the new technique of refrigeration, (xxx) which gave the country a second primary industry, dairy farming and fat lamb production, suitable for small holdings and close settlement on the new lands then, also, the strength and high technical organisation of the older primary industries: scientific sheep breeding, maximum use of machinery and of highly specialised workers in the mass production of wool and moat; state planned trans¬ port facilities.

Commercial Nature - interview with David Bellamy

Fred steward talks to environmental campaigner and leading green entrepreneur, david bellamy, about the conflicts involved in the green business world david bellamy was born in london in 1933. i well remember david lange's words after a successful campaign to put 31 another section of new zealand into world heritage status had cost his government some $2m: 'it must be great fun roaring around the world stopping things and getting patted on the back, but just wait until you have to make things work.'

National Anthems - interview with the Proclaimers

If many more people felt as clear headed and politicallycapable as we did that day, then surely things would change? a few days later, the dangers of letting scottish citizens discuss their own nationalism expressed at govan, as 'thinking with the blood'; the wavering-labour, pro-scottish, anti-tory citizen is either a childish dolt or an incipient fascist. stv's explicitly-titled discussion programme, scottish assembly, certainly provides what jean baudrillard would call 'simulation' of public opinion: 100 scots, market-researched by mori to reflect the class, educational and economic patterns of scottish society, who electronically vote three or four times a show on aspects of a main topic.

Britain's Sexual COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARIES

the moral right focuses on what it assortedly describes as the 'sex industry' or 'sex missionaries', who are the 'vocal minority' which tells children 'that nothing is intrinsically wrong' and gives them 'value-free instruction on deviant behaviour' (ronald butt). The society for the protection of the unborn child has been prompted by warnock into circulating a petition to protect embryos, has been blaming the population lobby for the falling european birthrate, wants action on abortion plus 'a positive policy for the family based on a moral code', is promoting a new abortion horror movie 'the silent scream', and is even confident enough to spread wild and baseless stories about british foetuses being exported to french cosmetic firms to be made into face cream.

Women: not what they bargained for

A contribution to this question comes from a summary of the package proposed in red rag, as a minimum condition for women: * a target for reduced working time of a 30-hour week for all, which would have at its centre a campaign to democratise domestic work; * the abolition of contractual differences between full and parttimers; * abolish the concepts of family wage and the male breadwinner as they operate in the wage and welfare system; * campaign against women's dependence on men and forms of wage bargaining which protect men's privilege in the wage system; * challenge the sex differential by, where appropriate, awarding proportionately greater increases to women, and adopting the flat rate tactic. women 30. 5% (all women) 6 1 % (all women) 1.4% (all women) job segregation what the struggles around the equal pay act and sex discrimination act confirmed was that equal pay as such would not budge the apartheid between men and women in the jobs they actually do.

Mother Wales, get off me back?

In a sequence of battles against non-unionism and unemployment which were epics and in a socialist internationalism vivid and alive during the spanish civil war and the era of the popular front, they and the people they mobilised saved south wales as a human community; their experience has become a myth as the labour party remorselessly entrenched itself in the south and moved outward into rural wales.7 as the people drew labour around them like some warm, rough blanket against the winds of the capitalist world, education in the control of labour councils tunnelled an escape route for three generations of young people out of the pits and into the n u t , 'overproducing' teachers, as wales had 'over-produced' printers and preachers before them, to make teaching the characteristic welsh profession. 3 a major new study of wales since 1880 is k o morgan, rebirth of a nation: wales 1880-1980 (university of wales and clarendon presses, 1981); a different approach in david smith, ed, a people and a proletariat; essays on welsh history 1780-1980 (pluto press and llafur, welsh labour history society, 1981).

Old fogeys and angry young men

It is salutary that the great 54  old fogeys and angry young men movement of fathers in the 1990s has not been to reduce working time, nor to desegregate men's and women's incomes and social security benefits (which would mitigate the pressure on poor men to become itinerants, moving between giro drops, their own mothers and the mothers of their children), but to protest against the child support agency's attempts to make them pay for their children. Gershuny's research on british domestic labour and child-care not only shows that time spent with children is increasing among both fathers and mothers, but among those mothers working full-time the time spent with children is actually greater than the time given to children by full -time homemakers three decades ago.

Copyright And The Legal Relations Of Literature

(unesco translation) but we should not miss the hierarchical ordering of the intellectual, moral, and economic for the tradition of moral right in france: [the intellectual and the moral are] two orders of concern which can affect the author over and above his economic interests: worries, scruples, regrets of a purely intellectual order come first, in the case where the work he has conceived and executed now seems to betray his ideal, no longer adequately expresses his ideas of his aesthetic commitments; next, considerations of a strictly moral character, in the case where the work, whose form continues to please him, now betrays his conscience, his political or religious convictions, because a conversion incites him to burn today what he loved yesterday.27 the french law's statement of author's right as a natural right, in the very order of things, like article 27 of the universal declaration of human rights, illustrates the doctrine of literary and artistic property in its purity and its force. in 1979, the english copyright authority, r. f. whale, voiced concern that certain literary rights were in danger: if new communications technologies are increasingly brought within the copyright cover a very serious danger arises for authors if their rights are not distinguished as having a special nature which is not that attaching to those technologies, that of seeing their rights become even more deeply enmeshed in those of present and new claimants to concurrent copyrights.1 the french jurist bernard edelman has commented in similar terms on recent french legislation on author's right: the law of 3 july 1985 is innovatory.

The French Left Long-run trends

The other group believed that the political perspective was one of lasting ""peaceful co-existence", and that the party should therefore make the most of the parliamentary system, makes alliances with other sections of the french left, even if this meant creating links between party members and other trends in the left wing movement—links which it would be difficult to break in the event of a sudden change in russian policy. the rehabilitation of the french course, mention to readers of u. & l.r. that i am a leader of one of left, then, depends upon a convergthese groups, nouvelle gauche, but ing action of the socialist left still i don't think that my estimates here fighting in the socialist party, the democratic communist opposition are biased.

Imperialism and the British Labour Movement (1920s)

.  the marxist theory of imperialism and the british labour movement stuart macintyre the british labour movement derived its original understanding of imperialism from outside its own ranks. Thus we find repeated reference in sdf writings to the need of british capitalism to find fresh outlets for goods and surplus capital, and allegations that capitalist 'cliques' were fostering jingoism for this purpose.11 these radical themes were in fact surprisingly similar to the ideas of kautsky and the german spd, which were generally accepted within the second international before the first world war.12 while leading members of the british sdf encountered these ideas at various congresses, they found little expression in their own writings, and the great majority of british marxists were unaware of continental marxist writings on the subject.