Search

Heat from a small fire

But even before aussat was on air, the pitjantjatjara and warlpiri community operations had developed an easy-going style of local programming: they covered events in their area, like any other local station, but also started to use video in a process of 'cultural maintenance', recording stories (tjukurrpa), songs and ceremonies in the areas of country to which they referred.2 this wasn't a simple matter of heritage but a vital process reaching into the heart of cultural survival: re-infusing the landscape with their creation-myths in the act of singing, dancing and recording, reclaiming the country for the 'dreamtime' on video. i was in alice for a rather different purpose: making a documentary with an aboriginal media group for channel 4, about aboriginal television and video.1 the visit to the feature film location was a fascinating glimpse of how the other half lived - particularly interesting as some of the aboriginal people we had been working with on our programme had been hired as extras on the film.

Keyboard cowboys and dial cowgirls

In the other story, the immune system is depicted as a complex communication system, with several centres and peripheries where ongoing negotiations take place on the boundary between self and other: 'immunity can also be conceived in terms of the semi-permeable self able to engage with others (human and non-human, inner and outer).'1 donna haraway prefers the second story because it leaves the separation between self and other behind and offers instead a continual interaction between different elements, in which the boundaries between self and other, or between own and alien, are constructed and changed. And my scepticism about the heroic status of high technology grows when i see that a lot of activities done by women are hard to describe as high-tech.

How Wild is my Wilderness?

But, in detail, who does what and with which class and to whom?  110 the new reasoner i'm no expert on the middle east any more than on cuba; as it looks to me, both nasser and kassem spring from the lower middle class (military sub-division), both in some measure improve the lot of the masses by virtue of curbing the old rapacious imperialism, both therefore have the backing of the working-class such as it is. Blake taught us this, and engels himself recognised it when, on one of his many inconsistent moments, he talked of the triumph of a ' truly human' morality under communism - without asking, as macintyre has asked, how this conception consorted with a purely relativist and class theory of morality.

Nyasaland: The Case for Secession

(c) nyasaland alarmed at the failure of a cowardly british government to meet its obligations towards its african wards and that, instead of defending them, it connives at and condones the ruthlessness of a white minority in mowing down unarmed africans in their own country, shocked by the arbitrary mass arrests of african leaders and the suppression of the african political movement, the nyasaland african congress (and the zambia african congress of northern rhodesia) as well as the use of jet vampires in terrorising the villages, (1) appeals to the british people to condemn the disgraceful behaviour of their government which has brought shame to their country, and calls upon the british government to halt this wholesale massacre of africans and to punish those responsible for perpetrating these acts of barbarism contrary to the principles and objectives of the united nations charter and the universal declaration of human rights. documents 1. declaration adopted by the emergency meeting of the steering committee of the all-african peoples' conference held in conakry, on the 15th - 17th april, 1959: (1) in response to the urgent appeal of african nationalist leaders of nyasaland, the rhodesias and the belgian congo for aid and assistance against the brutal offensive of the forces of imperialism and colonialism let loose on the peoples in these territories, and conscious of our responsibility to our fellow african freedom fighters, the steering committee of the allafrican peoples' conference convened a special emergency meeting in conakry, guinea, on april 15th.

'Communist Social Democrats' in Kerala

The new reasoner spring 1959 number 8 international chronicle ' communist social democrats' in kerala for nearly two years the state of kerala has been governed by communists under the bourgeois-democratic federal constitution of india. minister of education joseph mundaseri, a political independent of catholic family, author of 20 books in kerala's malayalam language and a former college professor, said: ' the new textbooks put more stress on science and avoid mythology without condemning religion; none of our reforms differs substantially from those proposed by the previous (congress) government in its draft education bill.'

John Stuart Mill and E.O.K.A

mill took his stand upon two simple, but essentially revolutionary assumptions; first, that the rule of law means what it says, namely, that those who take human life or are guilty of any kind of felony or misdemeanour must account for their actions, whatever the provocation, before a civil court of law, and second, that within the wide area of empire where english political power is exercised and english law rules, there can be no distinction between the legal rights of subject peoples and the rights of citizens of the united kingdom. After the german occupation of europe (and the crimes which the german people " did not know about "): after kenya (and the crimes which we " did not know about "): after algeria (and the crimes which the french "do not know about"): after the publication of alleg's ' la question ' - how is it possible for the majority of her majesty's parliamentary labour party to accept without demurr the smooth official denials such as those of mr. lennox-boyd in the house of commons on november 4th: " as members will know, reports of ill-treatment on this and other occasions have been deliberately and systematically fabricated or exaggerated . . .

Sex and Morals: Rearming the Left

i've pointed to common ground between the moral right and feminism: hostility to pornography and sexual exploitation, concern with the sexual dangers and pressures experienced by girls and women, concern with the medical profession's power etc. in many ways of course the moral right's ideals are the polar opposite to feminism: their view of women's proper role (namely mother and submissive wife) and of 'natural' and 'normal' sex (heterosexual with ah abhorrence of homosexuality) are clear examples. While feminism discussed the political dimension of sexuality and sexual for the left to renew itself, to have any long-term future and to appeal to women, it needs to take on board not simply issues of sexual morality but the challenge of feminism morality, so too did the moral right though in terms far removed from women's liberation.

The British Left and the Levin Syndrome

f o rw a rd — l ook in g p e o p le first, an elaborate vocabulary surrounds all discussion of the labour party, and the role it is being exhorted to play: e.g. “at present that traditional stream of british thought which is broadly progressive, radical and humanitarian is split three ways between the bow group (used as a shorthand phrase for the tory left) “w ho m a d e d e m o c r a c y f a ll?” not to have set our own initial question only limits us if we are not allowed to work on the question but are bound to work within it.

Heroes For Our Times : Tommy Cooper

198  heroes for our times heroes, history and mourning eric santner's stranded objects: mourning, memory and film in postwar germany, offers a starting point for considering these questions concerning contemporary culture, heroes and their fascinations." Soundings issue 3 summer 1996 heroes for our times: tommy cooper susannah radstone susannah radstone explores the complex ways in which screen personas relate to the vicissitudes of historical and psychical life, taking as her focus the comedian tommy cooper and some recent film roles played by anthony hopkins.

The Idea of a Sexual Community

n this article i want to look at four key elements contained in the idea of a sexual community: community as a focus of identity; community as ethos or repository of values; community as social capital; and community as politics. c community as ethos and repository of values mark blasius, in his recent book, gay and lesbian politics, has argued that the lesbian and gay struggle has produced a sense of community and identity which 76  the idea of a sexual community provides the context for moral agency, and hence for the emergence of a lesbian and gay ethos enacted in everyday life.

Entertainment, Or The Policing Of Virtue

11 peter brooks, 'the mark of the beast: prostitution, melodrama and narrative', in d. gerould (ed.), melodrama (new york: new york literary forum, 1980), 130-1. e n t e r t a i n m e n t , or the p o l i c i n g of v i r t u e 69  12 michel koucault, 'omnes et singulalim. Lord londonderry declared that the sketches were offensive - made him quite sick - and were 'calculated to inflame the passions', (emphasis added) 44 more interesting perhaps, in so far as it evidences a certain resistance to this mutation of the visible and its political articulation to new forms of instruction and investigation, are the complaints of a member of parliament: 'for the first time, in any report of evidence presented to the house on a great public question of this sort, the royal road was taken of communicating information through the eye'.45 it was not long, through magazines like the illustrated london news, punch and the prosaic but very popular builder, before the topography of the city itself became subject to the all-seeing, cross-sectional eye as well as to other forms of moral, caricatural, and 'character-based' forms of drawing and engraving.

Englishness And The Paradox Of Modernity

Time and again it becomes clear that the dominant national cultural institutions of contemporary england the oxford english dictionary, the implantation of english as an academic and school discipline, the dictionary of national biography, the national art galleries, music colleges and orchestras and so on - were formed in this period, creating a new civic culture, and amounting to a risorgimento as organized as, if rather more understated and concealed by the perceived inheritances of tradition than, those simultaneously established in the new european nation-states. there is, for example, the extraordinary combined and uneven cultural development of englishness, producing a powerfully circumscribed masculine metropolitan centre of unparalleled privilege (westminster, the city, oxford and cambridge), the adjacent 'domestic' regions quaindy known in middle-class parlance as the home counties, in the south-eastern corner of the country, more open to feminine negotiation (the country houses dominated by the fashionable hostesses, the suburbs, ascot, henley and so on, the secluded total institutions for the children: the famous public schools and the profusion of anonymous south coast prep schools) and then the outer satellites of ottawa or buenos aires (which until very recently boasted its own branch of harrods), nairobi or cairo (with its renowned monument to the empire, shephard's hotel) possessing a closer cultural proximity to the metropolitan centre than those other great imperial cities, cardiff, liverpool or glasgow.

What does the Black man want?'

at times fanon attempts too close a correspondence between the mise-en-scene of unconscious fantasy and the phantoms of racist fear and hate that stalk the colonial scene; he turns too hastily from the ambivalences of identification to the antagonistic identities of political alienation and cultural discrimination; he is too quick to name the other, to personalize its presence in the language of colonial racism - 'the real other for the white man is and will continue to be the black man. Fanon's demand for a psychoanalytic explanation emerges from the perverse reflections of 'civil virtue' in the alienating acts of colonial governance: the visibility of cultural 'mummification' in the colonizer's avowed ambition to civilize or modernize the native which results in 'archaic inert institutions [that function] under the oppressor's supervision like a caricature of formerly fertile institutions'; or the validity of violence in the very definition of the colonial social space; or the viability of the febrile, phantasmic images of racial hatred that come to be absorbed and acted out in the wisdom of the west.

Armed Resistance and Insurrection: Early Chartism

taylor james taylor dr john taylor william thomason william thornton william tillman william vallance john vevers thomas vincent henry waddington samuel warden john (manchester, bookseller) {manchester, agent for gunmaker) (bolton, beershop keeper) (south shields, tailor) (ashton under lyne, apothocary) (london) (preston, handloom weaver) (bradford & sheffield, shoemaker) (newcastle, shoemaker) (barnsley, linen weaver) (leicester) (stockport, beerseller-ex-spinner) (bristol, tin plate metal worker) (london, tailor) (london, newspaper editor) (leeds, newspaper proprietor) (fixby, steward) (stockton, basket maker) (ouseburn nr newcastle, shoemaker) (edinburgh, staymaker) (tottingten, lanes) (stockport, power-loom weaver) (heywood, teacher) (trowbridge, druggist) (birmingham) (thorneley) (holt, wilts) (salford, bookseller ex-joiner) (leeds) (manchester, tailor) (bath, solicitor) (manchester) (hyde) (manchester, boot and shoemaker) (ashton-under-lyne, dissenting minister) (spotland, rochdale) (ayrshire/carlisle, political lecturer) (newton heath nr manchester) (newcastle, glassmaker) (bradford, solicitor) (manchester, shoemaker) (barnsley, weaver) (huddersfield) (ex london/wilts-printer) (london, boot and shoemaker) (bolton, gardener) 37  wareham george wilde john williams james * white george * widdop john * wolstenholme james wood wright john (stockport, weaver) {ashton-under-lyne, shopkeeper) (sunderland) (leeds/bradford, woolcomber) (barnsley, warehouseman) (sheffield, working grinder) (bolton) (stockport, cotton spinner) •yorkshire activists referred to in this study 38  history group publications back issues of our history currently available - june 1984 duplicated format 23 pages from a worker's life 24 lancashire cotton famine by stan broadbridge 36/7 prints of the labour movement 51 leveller democracy — fact or myth? R.v. jacobs samuel jarrett charles johnson george johnson issac knox robert lawson — lee abraham lindon william smith 36 (mansfield, brushmaker) (bolton, blacksmith) (bedlington, northumberland, stonemason) {newcastle, joiner) (stockport, spinner, publican) (manchester, stonemason) (stalybridge, ex-cotton spinner) {newcastle, journalist) (almonsbury, weaver) (newcastle, soap manufacturer) (ashton, publican) (birmingham, teacher, solicitor) (leeds) (stockport, dissenting minister) (newcastle, collier) (westhaughton, ex-shoemaker) (bury, surgeon) (sheffield, baker) (sheffield, cabinet maker) (sheffield, scale cutter) (bolton, weaver) (london —) (heywood) (carlisle, hand loom weaver) (halifax, hand loom weaver) (london, political lecturer) (durham) (stroud) (dewsbury) (bedlington, surgeon) (newcastle, collier) (ashton-under-lyne, cotton spinner) (bradford, wool comber) (stockport, cotton carder) (london, porter) (manchester, ex-shoemaker) (bristol, cabinet maker) (loughborough, framework knitter) (ashton, hatter) (stockport, smith) (sunderland) (rotherham, mason) (middleton) (dudley, moulder) * * * * * * * linney joseph livesey john lloyd george lowery robert macdoual peter murray maitland — marsden richard martin william mason john maudsley amos mellers — mitchell james morgan — neesome charles h o'brien bronterre o'connor feargus oastler richard owen james bald parker william peddie robert pickles — pilling richard plant job potts william powell — redhead william rich thomas richardson r.j. rider william roberts david roberts w.p. rushton shaw smith george h. stephens j.r. rev.

The 1926 General Strike in Lanarkshire

this body had been set up at the miners' union headquarters in hamilton on the weekend before the official strike call and had, according to the emergency press, been arranging demonstrations and speakers throughout the county from that time.22 the joint commit9  tee was in contact with twenty-three councils of action in lanarkshire (mostly in the north) to which it issued information and instructions including the stuc daily bulletins and later the scottish worker. That the workers in north lanarkshire responded to the stuc's strike call with particular alacrity and solidarity is testified to in a letter by james jarvie, secretary of lanarkshire joint trades industrial committee to stuc headquarters in glasgow on may 5, the second day of the strike.

The Revolt in the Fields in East Anglia

(16) by the end of june 1872 over 1,000 were said to be "in the union" in wisbech and the neighbouring villages, (17) in the same month there were reports of the beginnings of what was to become the peterborough  page three district agricultural labourers' union, (18) and by july there was in existence a haverhill (suffolk) agricultural labourers" union with 200 members. The brampton union (later called the huntingdonshire labourers' union) was reported to have had between 14,000 and 15,000 members in the county by the first week of may, (15) while new movements were reported from places like botesdale (suffolk), where a union was formed (this was an area where labour was scarce) from amongst the labourers of riekinghall, wortham, burgate, wattisfield, hinderolay, and walsham-le-willows.

The Social Thinking of D.H. Lawrence

The material processes of satisfying human needs are not separated from personal relationships; and lawrence knew from this, not only that the processes must be accepted (he was firm on this through all his subsequent life, to the surprise of friends for whom these things had normally been the function of servants), but also that a common life has to be made on the basis of a correspondence between work relationships and personal relationships: something, again, which was only available, if at all, as an abstraction, to those whose first model of society, in the family, had been hierarchical, separative and inclusive of the element of paid substitute labour—carlyle's "cashnexus." for lawrence, the affirmation led on to an interesting declaration of faith in democracy, but this was something rather different from the democracy of, say, a utilitarian: so, we know the first great purpose of democracy: that each man shall be spontaneously himself—each man himself, each woman herself, without any question of equality or inequality entering in at all; and that no man shall try to determine the being of any other man, or of any other woman.

The Lancashire Cotton Famine 1861-65

The lancashire cotton 'famine' 1861-65 "as long as the english cotton manufacturers depended on slave-grown cotton, it could truthfully be asserted that they rested on a twofold slavery, the indirect slavery of the white man in england and the direct slavery of the black men on the other side of the atlantic." Karl marx, new york daily tribune, october 14, 1861 most accounts of the period 1861-5 in lancashire draw a picture of a cotton industry dislocated by lack of supplies of raw cotton, as a result of the american civil war and the blockade of southern ports by the north.

Pages from a Painter's Diary

a byzantine mosaicist pauses to reflect on the last ordained tessera he has inserted; a renaissance painter pauses to reflect on whether his proportions, his counterpoint, can be made more unified; a baroque artist pauses to examine whether he can tense even further; delacroix pauses to reflect on the romantic alchemy of his colour; cezanne pauses to reflect again on whether he is still being faithful to his little elusive sensation; we today pause to reflect on whether our severity might be made more severe; and in every one of these pauses the artist faces the same difficulty—it is the difficulty that unites us—the difficulty of making the intangible, of creating a cold form to contain our fervent content. After the sleeping draught and the last visit of the brisk, cheerful night nurse in the old people's ward how many octogenarians mutter beside that shepherd and, putting their old hand into the glove of that young one, play whilst the shepherd pipes the tunes of their heyday and the broken tree behind bears witness to their age and the temperature chart above their bed?

Some Dilemmas For Marxists 1900 - 1914

to join the labour party?" the most forward-looking contribution came from zelda kahan-coates of hackney, wife of w.p. coates: "...we withdrew from the labour party because we foresaw that the official labour party would tend more and more in a direction towards rad-icalismj and we thought, i presume, that by remaining outside as a vigorous, independent socialist body we should attract to ourselves the best elements of the labour movement, and thus we should more speedily be able to build up a real mass socialist labour party. although this pamphlet is based on documentary evidence, it also owes a good deal to general discussion with several members of the pre-1914 marxist party, especially frank tanner (who has also done some research on this period), frank newell, joe vaughan, and frank jackson. attitude to the labour party the labour representation committee (later called the labour party) was formed in february 1900 to unite trade unions and socialist parties for election purposes.

The General Strike In The North East

general strike all railwaymen to cease work to-night transport workers, printers and metal workers to follow general council's arrangements for general stoppage the front page gives news of readiness for action in the area, of local councils of notion going ahead, and of union executive committees following the lead of the general council. The bodies of men at his disposal were the various government officials, the organisation for the maintenance of supplies (3), other strike breaking bodies "composed mainly of middle class persons", the fascists one of whose organisations had an arrangements with o.m.s., the special constabulary, (1) "traffic circulation on the great north-south arteries running through durham and northumberland was completely stopped by the implacable tourniquet of the miners' mass picketing"; a. hutt, post-war history of the british working class (gollancz, 1937) 150-1. (2) it was printed in labour monthly (june, 1926) without mention of the place concerned; it appears also in r.page arnot, the miners: years of struggle (allen & unwin, 1953) 436-9. (3) set up in september 1925 ostensibly as a voluntary and non¬ governmental agency but handed over to the government from the outset of the strike.

DR. MARX AND THE VICTORIAN CRITICS

It was written with sympathy and courtesy, and with full appreciation of "that great work," "that remarkable section" in which marx discusses value, "that great logician" and even of the "contributions of extreme importance" which wicksteed believed marx to have made in the latter part of volume i. but, whatever we may now think of the pure marginalist approach to value-theory, wicksteed's article did more to create the mistaken feeling among socialists that marx value theory was somehow irrelevant to the economic justification of socialism than the emotional diatribes of a foxwell or a flint ("the greatest failure in the history of economics"). Mr. trevor-roper has spent a good deal of time propounding the very implausible propositions that marx has made no original contribution to history except "to sweep up the ideas already advanced by other thinkers and annex them to a crude philosophical dogma;" that his historical interpretation is useless for the past and discredited insofar as the predictions based on it have not come' off; and that he has been without significant influence on serious historians, while those who claim to be marxists either write "what marx and lenin would have called 'bourgeois' social history" or are "an army of dim scholiasts busily commenting on each others' scholia."

England: the Left and the Common Market

Indeed, in view of this restriction on our ability to cope with a balance of payments problem, it is ironic that the record of the conservative government on the provision of instruments capable of modifying the working of blind market forces is much worse than that of the french: it offered the free trade area the only alter­ native to the common market, it abolished the european payments union, it opened the british market to imports from the usa which came as a reprisal against the common market countries), and has passed no distinction in anti­ cartel legislation. it will be as well, therefore, at the cost of losing some of the subtleties of the arguments, briefly to recall what the arguments against joining the common market are: on the ‘political’ side, then, it is argued that membership of the common market will involve a loss of what bargaining power we can pretend to have within the western alliance (because both the implicit loss of independence as a result of increased economic dependence, and also, possibly, be­ cause of the explicit provision for a ‘co-ordination of foreign policies’), loss of autonomy in some major aspects of national economic and social policy, and subordination of democratic­ ally determined policies to the whim of bureaucratic empires.

Transversal Politics: Introduction – Transversal Politics and Translating Practices

the network is a cross-community alliance of women's centres and other women's organisations that have come together to get working-class women's needs voiced in the political system and the peace process of northern ireland.' during 1998 the three projects made a further transversal move, exchanging visits across state boundaries to see what could be learned from each other's experience.3 it was the findings of this series of transnational visits (we called this continuation of the project bridge between bridges) that were presented at the 'doing transversal politics' conference. the women building bridges research project was funded by city university, the e. and h.n. boyd and j.e. morland charitable trust, the william a. cadbury charitable trust, the community relations commission of northern ireland, the global fund tor women, the lipman-miliband trust, the network tor social change, the niwano peace foundation, the scurrah wainwright charity and womankind worldwide.

PORNOGRAPHY: Desperately Seeking Consensus - roundtable discussion

c l a r e of course that's right, but if it's the case that we find when serious sexual offenders are arrested that they live in places stuffed with porn, i just 25 suzanne: 'i see degrading images of women in films that upset me far more than anything i've ever seen in a pornographic magazine' mandy, even among lesbian women there are very considerable arguments. h a n d y race-relations legislation 23 clare: 'people who say, "this is censorship" won't have the discussion about whether it is degrading, demeaning and hurtful to women' around incitement is never used in the way that the proponents of this kind of legislation would like sexist material to be proscribed.